Plan for Arab-Israeli Reconciliation
- The P.A.I.R. Initiative -

An essential component of the PAIR Initiative for peace is the orderly resettlement of Palestinian Arabs into a large new state of their own, inside Arabia. However, current thinking is so entrenched in favor of confiscating Israeli land for that Palestinian Arab state that many strong objections will likely arise to this alternative approach.  It is therefore necessary to answer likely objections and questions (FAQs, if you will) about this part of our proposal, and to demonstrate both its feasibility and desirability.

CONTENTS OF PART FOUR:

IV-A Defending the general principle of relocation
IV-B But won’t the Palestinian Arabs reject this idea?
IV-C Many Arab states are moving toward their own internal crises.
IV-D Another vision of the future
IV-E The future choices can be visualized by presenting three maps.
IV-F The opposition
IV-G Islamic voices of moderation
IV-H On the world scene

Any discussion of an Israeli-Palestinian Arab settlement often encounters the automatic assumption that, of all the peoples in the world, only Palestinian Arabs living inside Israel and the territories cannot be relocated elsewhere. We are told that ‘relocation’ can only mean more Palestinian Arabs moving from refugee camps in neighboring countries into Israel and of Jews being forcibly evicted out of Judea, Samaria (the "West Bank") and Gaza . And for Hamas and other Arab "militants," the only acceptable solution would be for all Jews to be expelled from Israel altogether, or even exterminated. These concepts are inherently racist, invoke a double standard, and cannot be justified under any circumstances.

History is replete with example after example of mass population relocations. The creation of India and Pakistan involved bi-lateral relocations even in the midst of extreme violence which led to over one million deaths. Many Germans were forcibly relocated in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Fifteen million ethnic Germans were forcibly relocated from areas that had previously been part of Germany and Austria, but were awarded to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries by the victorious Allies after World War II. None of those Germans received financial compensation for their confiscated properties. And, over the last two thousand years, no other people has faced one expulsion after another --- or one mass slaughter after another, than have the Jews. The Jews of Arab countries were virtually expelled en masse between the 1930's and 1960's. Their property was seized without any compensation. In most cases, the Arab Jews were just lucky to make it out alive. Now it is time to complete the population exchange. The Arab countries can take back their Arabs just as Israel took in its Jews.

Relocation of Palestinian Arabs under the P.A.I.R initiative would be radically different from the numerous instances of forced, violent and unplanned expulsions and displacements of peoples that have occurred in the past. Resettlement would be conducted in an orderly and carefully planned way, with full compensation for any property left behind, and with provision for new land, housing, employment, and general infrastructure to enable the resettled communities to acquire a decent standard of living.

We are constantly told that virtually everyone opposes resettling the Palestinian Arabs. Unfortunately outside nations are opposed as are all Arab governments along with the PLO/PA and even the Israeli government seems afraid to oppose Arab-inspired international pressure. The PLO/PA not only rejects any talk of resettlement but also demands the ‘right of return’ of millions of Arabs to places inside Israel itself.

It would seem that everyone has been heard from - everyone except the Palestinian Arabs themselves. We are told by their corrupt leaders and various non-Palestinian Arab voices that they are unanimous in strongly rejecting any possibility of resettlement. These voices seem overly anxious to bury this idea in advance even before the Palestinian Arabs have had a fair chance to hear of this plan, to debate it freely and to give it full consideration.

If some Palestinian Arabs began to look favorably upon a viable and generous resettlement plan it would then become progressively more difficult for others to reject resettlement on their behalf. Is the zeal to reject resettlement in reality a purposeful attempt to lock the Palestinian Arabs (and Israel too) into a bad solution before they have had a chance to choose freely?

Self-appointed Palestinian Arab spokespeople will naturally attempt to reject any idea of resettlement while claiming to represent all Palestinian Arabs. However, a poll conducted among the Palestinian Arabs by the Maagar Mohot Interdisciplinary Research and Consulting Institute Ltd., in collaboration with the Palestinian Arab Center for Public Opinion in 2004, found that over 70% of Arabs in Judea, Samaria and Gaza could be induced to relocate. To the question: "What would induce you to emigrate permanently?", only 15% stated that nothing would induce them, while 71% specified one or more material factors that would induce them to emigrate permanently (such as substantial financial compensation, a guarantee of a good job abroad, or good housing).

These encouraging numbers are prior to their receiving a credible offer which might be even more tempting. This shows the great potential of the PAIR Initiative with its many attractive incentives. Even an initial response of 10%-20% would be sufficient to start the process moving. The successful adjustment of those who resettled first would build confidence for others to follow.

The Palestinian Arabs deserve the opportunity to consider the PAIR Initiative, to fully explore it, to extensively debate it, and to respond freely and without intimidation.

IV-C Many Arab states are moving toward their own internal crisis.

The PAIR Initiative has the potential to play a constructive role in responding to a regional dilemma. The principle factors moving some Arab states towards their own internal crisis are: government corruption; oppression of their people; stagnant economies; burgeoning youth populations (in Syria, Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia over half the population is under 25); high unemployment; no clear program for reform; increasing popular unrest. These regimes are facing a severe dilemma. They are too corrupt and inept to effect genuine reform on their own initiative. If they cannot reform voluntarily and soon, the radical Islamic extremists will attempt to topple these regimes and Taliban-type regimes may replace them.

The unresolved Palestinian Arab refugee problem also poses dangers to the stability of some Arab states in the region. Many Arab states fear that an unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict could provoke a regional war that will draw them in, radicalize their populations and threaten their own stability.

The dilemma confronting the Saudis, other Arab regimes and American policy makers is exemplified by two equally bad choices. On the one hand, oppressive regimes are sitting atop social pressure cookers fueled by intense anti-American sentiment heightened by the U.S. war on terrorism. Maintaining an oppressive lid on the unrest, without improving conditions, assures an eventual explosion. On the other hand, a number of Arab regimes have responded to internal tensions with limited reforms designed to calm domestic unrest. But these reforms may be far too little to assure stability, while they also open the door to possible takeover by the extremists. They appear both unable to manage peaceful reform and to significantly reduce the risk of violent takeovers by the militant fundamentalists. Meanwhile, time is running out.

What is needed now is another vision of the future for the oppressed Arab masses, namely a transition toward moderate, representative societies. The U.S. and Europe had not pushed for such a transition prior to 9/11. The United States has now finally begun to press for increased democracy in the region in the hope that this will halt the trend towards Islamic extremism and lead, instead, towards moderate self-government. Unfortunately, certain Arab regimes, the mullahs and the Islamic extremists are all opposing Bush’s vision.

Pressures for reform are emerging with increasing strength from within the Arab public and independently of governments and of Islamic extremism. Besides Iraq and Afghanistan, there are active movements seeking greater freedom in other Arab states including Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the Gulf states. In the recent Palestinian Arab election younger leaders are taking power. They reject the extreme corruption of Arafat’s old guard and they favor political reform, even while many remain hostile towards Israel.

Stagnant old beliefs are new being challenged by progressive new thinking. This is the time for a bold initiative to resettle the Palestinian Arabs and finally resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. Many experts have long insisted that democracy could not be transplanted into Arab society and also that resettling Palestinian Arabs elsewhere was unthinkable. Just as these voices of the past are being proven wrong about democracy for Arabs they are just as wrong in opposing a beneficial resettlement plan. When old attitudes begin to change, new opportunities open up. What previously was considered impossible may now become eminently possible.

The PAIR Initiative could well fit within the U.S. government’s announced effort to democratize the Arab nations and defuse the Arab-Israeli conflict. The image of Palestinian Arabs building their own independent future inside Arabia might fire up some imaginations. It would represent Arabs successfully helping themselves in a peaceful and honorable manner and without the presence of foreign troops and constant killing as in Iraq. This would represent a breath of fresh air in the Arab world where their restless youth could see a successful model of hope for a better future, free of the corrupt Arab dictatorships, free of the Islamic terror organizations and also free of direct Western influence and meddling. It would also be in step with the yearning for positive changes now starting to manifest among the Arab masses. The West would also have a big stake in seeing a truly progressive Arab society emerge as an antidote to a militant and hostile Islam. For this reason the West might well assure that this bold experiment is quietly nurtured and well supported.

Saudi rulers could also benefit. Their corrupt and inefficient regime has produced the likes of Osama bin Laden who threatens their monarchy as well by stirring justified resentment among the Saudi population. A successful Palestinian Arab state, supported by the Saudis, could begin to defuse the negative feelings among their own population who might become inspired by a better alternative than Osama bin Laden and, in the process, give new life to a constitutional monarchy that can implement peaceful reform with stability.

The oppressed, resentful public throughout the Arab and Muslim world could be inspired with pride in this bold, peaceful Palestinian Arab initiative taking place and with the Saudis acting as midwives to a new Palestinian Arab state. It could defuse much of the arguments and appeal of Arab dictators against Israel and the West. The Saudis could feel pride in supporting a unique social and political accomplishment on the world scene with their energies channeled towards peaceful development instead of war. The potential implications of peaceful change could extend far beyond just solving the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Map one, the IMPOSSIBLE map, which is currently on the table means returning approximately to the pre 1967 lines, i.e. the Road Map. That option is totally unacceptable and impossible for reasons given earlier in Part I.

Map two, the WAR map, is the PLO/PA map in which Israel no longer exists. The world pretends not to notice it but the PLO/PA continues to use that map to define Palestine both past and future. Trying to implement that map leads directly to the nightmare scenario of all out war.

Map three, the PEACE map of the PAIR Initiative, means a new Palestinian Arab state inside the Arabian peninsula thus removing the main pretext for hostility against Israel by other Arab states. It shows suggested borders for the new state and proposed secure, defensible borders for Israel, consonant with the original League of Nations mandate for a Jewish National Home.

It is anticipated that any proposal to relocate Palestinian Arabs will likely trigger immediate and extreme opposition from many sources, including the charge of racism.

In reality, the PAIR Initiative benefits both Arabs and Jews, unlike the Roadmap and similar schemes, which cheat both Arabs and Jews.  The PAIR Initiative is actually very pro-Palestinian Arab, and that point is readily demonstrated by comparing its results with the perpetuation of  the suffering and massive loss of life for both sides that has occurred, and that is continuing, under the current conditions of conflict. Proponents of the PAIR Initiative would welcome open debate because all opposing arguments can be answered. Some critics may prefer to attack this plan while avoiding open debate.

The opponents will ignore the fact that, during the last century, countless millions of people have resettled, often under far less favorable conditions than proposed here. They will have to argue that, of all the people in the world, the Palestinian Arabs alone cannot be resettled, even if it is to an infinitely better life. They will ignore the Arab regimes that have deliberately kept Palestinian Arabs rotting in refugee camps for decades as an open wound to be used as a political weapon to undermine any settlement with Israel. They will have to argue in favor of continuing a zero sum game where both Arabs and Jews remain locked into a lose-lose situation. And they will have to ignore the millions of Jewish refugees, many expelled from Arab countries, that have migrated to Israel to build a strong, vibrant Jewish nation and have succeeded in building better lives for themselves.

Palestinian Arab moderates willing to consider this plan will face intimidation and violence, and will feel afraid to speak openly—and with good reason, given the violence and cruelty of the terrorist groups toward "collaborators." It is therefore of the utmost importance that the terrorist groups be disarmed, suppressed and completely disbanded immediately as the first step toward implementation of the PAIR initiative. Then a free, open discussion of the relocation proposal can occur within the Palestinian community and throughout the Middle East.

There are important voices of Islamic moderation that deserve to be heard. Some support Israel and its historic right to the land. Others focus on their support for democracy and pluralism and strongly oppose the extremists. These voices of moderation include religious Muslim scholars who can cite the Qur’an with authority in support of their views. Unfortunately, these voices of moderation are not being given adequate recognition and the support that they deserve. Visitors to the web sites of moderate Muslims will be impressed with their extensive knowledge and positive attitude that they are reaching out to Jews and Christians in the spirit of peace and friendship. These are people of great personal courage because their activities require intense dedication and fearless determination. They are in the best position to challenge the influence of militant, intolerant, warlike version of Islam which is being taught in to Muslims around the world, including the Muslims of Europe and the United States, with Saudi funding. Appendix II N contains a list of web sites representing views from a variety of moderate Muslim sources.

The adoption and implementation of the PAIR Initiative depends upon the voices of the moderate Muslims, who can open the door to the win-win approach being offered for both Arabs and Israelis, at last being heard. At present, moderate Muslims encounter various obstacles that serve to mute their voices. Within their own communities, moderate Muslims face opposition, ostracism and sometimes even personal risk if they express their opinions. The major media is reluctant to accord them sufficient exposure. The U.S. government, the Israel government, other Western governments, and the American Jewish community leadership should all be doing much more to reach out actively to authentic moderate Muslims and to help them gain needed public exposure.

This is not just a local dispute between Arabs and Jews. Yasser Arafat had succeeded in internationalizing the conflict to an extreme degree. He drew support from the Islamic countries, from the intractable terrorist organizations, from the rogue Arab regimes, from the ‘moderate’ Arab regimes, from the European Union, from China, Russia, North Korea, the totalitarian left and the anti-Semitic right wing extremists. In short, all of the reactionary and nihilistic forces on the planet had lined up to support Arafat and the Palestinian Arab cause as he defined it.

Militant, jihadist Islamism is infecting more and more of the 1.3 billion Muslims in the world. Militant Islamism is quite open about its plans for Christians and is already persecuting Christians in various Muslim countries. Militant Islam is very conscious that two thirds of the world’s oil reserves are located inside Islamic countries and this translates into a potent political, economic and military weapon. China, North Korea and Russia have all been earning money by massively arming the Arabs with weapons of increasingly destructive force. Even America and the West are fueling this insane arms race.

The prime rationalization for this fanatic arming is to help the Palestinian Arabs gain their own country. But the Arab people and many Muslims as well are themselves captives of a brutal Islamist fanaticism. Many have had their minds poisoned by years of systematic indoctrination in hatred. Others, who may know better, remain oppressed and intimidated by regimes that tolerate no dissent. The totalitarian Arab regimes and their foreign supporters display a uniform hate towards Israel. The forces of intolerance and reaction reveal their inherent brittleness by their obsessive need to present a unanimous front without any dissent. And that is their vulnerability. If true lovers of peace and reconciliation can demonstrate that in all of these countries, including Arab countries and among the Palestinian Arabs, there are dissenting voices, we can start to tip the balance in favor of moderation and conciliation.

If we can spark open debate on all the issues addressed in this plan, then many people will begin to see that this is not just about Arabs and Israelis but about totalitarian forces that threaten all of humanity. In this global battle for humanity’s future it is Israel that is on the front line for all of us. Any setback for Israel will embolden all the reactionary forces to redouble their efforts to stamp out democracy and freedom all over the world.

The converse of this process can also hold true. If we can visualize even small numbers of people in various countries coalescing around this PAIR Initiative, it will give encouragement to the forces of democracy and decency everywhere. When the first few courageous Palestinian Arabs speak out and are heard, it will be the first crack in the ideological and rhetorical ‘Berlin Wall’ of hatred. It will remove the false excuse used by Arab dictators to arm massively and to suppress their own people. A democratic Palestinian Arab country emerging within the Arab world can be politically infectious. It could start to defuse Middle East tensions and undermine the iron grip of Arab dictators. The PAIR Initiative thus could spark a genuine movement towards peace that could benefit the entire region and beyond.